Politics at Westminster | BREAKING: UKIP

It's great for the SNP, yeah.

Great from a moral position, in that their views now appear more validated, but it also means that they can no longer claim to have the high ground when it comes to nuke.

Although they can admittedly highlight the division over the issue, since Dugdale's a bit more in favour.
 
Great from a moral position, in that their views now appear more validated, but it also means that they can no longer claim to have the high ground when it comes to nuke.

Although they can admittedly highlight the division over the issue, since Dugdale's a bit more in favour.

Scottish Labour are now just SNP-lite.
 
Scottish Labour are now just SNP-lite.

The parties have always been vaguely similar in regards to political positions, to be fair. Still some major differences...namely the issue of independence, obviously.
 
Rather that than Torie-lite.
Yes heaven forbid you could actually win power by appealing to centrist voters and introducing things like tax credits...
Far better to delay their reduction and claim it as victory for the left whilst slagging of Blair and all his policies as some of the corbynistas seem to
 
Unsurprising Cameron's vision for Europe is much like his vision for Britain: one that favours business over citizens. Human rights? Nah. Working time directive? Nah. Less regulation? Definitely. TTIP? Of course.
 
Looks like Scottish Labour are copping a lot of flak for their siding with the Tories in much of the voting over devolution last night. Seems like things might only get worse for them up here.
 
Government plans on Sunday trading put on hold due to possible defeat in the House of Commons.
 
http://www.theguardian.com/commentisfree/2015/nov/11/david-cameron-letter-cuts-oxfordshire

In leaked correspondence with the Conservative leader of Oxfordshire county council (which covers his own constituency), David Cameron expresses his horror at the cuts being made to local services. This is the point at which you realise that he has no conception of what he has done.

[…]

Cameron complains that he is “disappointed” by the council’s proposals “to make significant cuts to frontline services – from elderly day centres, to libraries, to museums. This is in addition to the unwelcome and counter-productive proposals to close children’s centres across the county.” Why, he asks, has Oxfordshire not focused instead on “making back-office savings”? Why hasn’t it sold off its surplus property? After all, there has been only “a slight fall in government grants in cash terms”. Couldn’t the county “generate savings in a more creative manner”?

He lives in a fantasy world.
 
Police forces may lose dedicated firearms teams, says Theresa May

Forces may need to share specialist teams to avoid duplication amid tightening budgets, says Home Secretary

By David Barrett, Home Affairs Correspondent
10 Nov 2015


Police forces could be stripped of their own firearms and cyber crime teams, and forced to share them with neighbouring forces, the Home Secretary has signalled.

Theresa May announced that major reforms of police manpower will be discussed at a high-level meeting in the next few days.

She said the Government would also look at whether the National Crime Agency could take an even greater role in dealing with national and international threats.

In a stark acknowledgement of future budget cuts faced by the Home Office the Home Secretary said the department would need to make redundancies and slim down as details of the Chancellor’s spending review emerge.

“I’m meeting with chief constables and police and crime commissioners to consider how complex and specialist capabilities like firearms and cyber units can be delivered between forces or in regional organised crime units,” she said in a speech organised by the Reform think-tank.

“It does not make sense that everybody should duplicate efforts when we could be working together.

“It’s more than just sharing that resource, it’s about making sure the resource is set at the right level and also having greater flexibility in police workforce.”

The speech signals Mrs May’s plans for a broad re-think on police staffing.

At present apart from limited exceptions police officers must start as constables and work their way up the ranks.

Most will stay in the job until retirement because of inflexible pay and pensions arrangements which deter officers from gaining experience in the private sector or in other public sector roles.

“I have spoken before about bringing in specialist skills for a limited period of time,” said Mrs May.

“Perhaps you don’t necessarily come in as a police officer and stay for 30 years?

"Perhaps someone does not need the office of constable to bring these skills, but can bring something to the police?"

Although Mrs May did not disclose details of her ideas on police staffing they are likely to be controversial with the Police Federation, which represents rank-and-file police officers.

The Federation has traditionally put forward arguments that only police officers are capable of performing policing roles and fought against what it perceives as "civilianisation" of the job, as well as staunchly defending its members pay and conditions.

It comes the day after the Home Office was forced to delay police force budget changes after making a serious error in calculations.

On budgets, she said: “There’s no escaping the fact that spending reductions may lead there to be fewer people, fewer buildings and less room for error.”

http://www.telegraph.co.uk/news/ukn...ay.html?utm_source=dlvr.it&utm_medium=twitter
http://www.telegraph.co.uk/news/ukn...ay.html?utm_source=dlvr.it&utm_medium=twitter
 
David Cameron hasn’t the faintest idea how deep his cuts go. This letter proves it
It’s like the crucial moment in Graham Greene’s novel The Quiet American. The US agent stares at the blood on his shoes, unable to make the connection between the explosion he commissioned and the bodies scattered across the public square in Saigon. In leaked correspondence with the Conservative leader of Oxfordshire county council (which covers his own constituency), David Cameron expresses his horror at the cuts being made to local services. This is the point at which you realise that he has no conception of what he has done.

The letters were sent in September, but came to light only on Friday, when they were revealed by the Oxford Mail. The national media has been remarkably slow to pick the story up, given the insight it offers into the prime minister’s detachment from the consequences of his actions.

Cameron complains that he is “disappointed” by the council’s proposals “to make significant cuts to frontline services – from elderly day centres, to libraries, to museums. This is in addition to the unwelcome and counter-productive proposals to close children’s centres across the county.” Why, he asks, has Oxfordshire not focused instead on “making back-office savings”? Why hasn’t it sold off its surplus property? After all, there has been only “a slight fall in government grants in cash terms”. Couldn’t the county “generate savings in a more creative manner”?

1-d59bf51ce1.jpg


Explaining the issue gently, as if to a slow learner, the council leader, Ian Hudspeth, points out that the council has already culled its back-office functions, slashing 40% of its most senior staff and 2,800 jobs in total, with the result that it now spends less on these roles than most other counties. He explains that he has already flogged all the property he can lay hands on, but would like to remind the prime minister that using the income from these sales to pay for the council’s running costs “is neither legal, nor sustainable in the long-term since they are one-off receipts”.

1-e94b3b1ae9.jpg


As for Cameron’s claim about government grants, Hudspeth comments: “I cannot accept your description of a drop in funding of £72m or 37% as a ‘slight fall’.”

Again and again, he exposes the figures the prime minister uses as wildly wrong. For example, Cameron claims that the cumulative cuts in the county since 2010 amount to £204m. But that is not the cumulative figure; it is the annual figure. Since 2010, the county has had to save £626m. It has done so while taking on new responsibilities, and while the population of elderly people and the numbers of children in the social care system have boomed. Now there is nothing left to cut except frontline services.

Have you ever wondered how the prime minister sleeps at night? How can he live with himself after imposing such gratuitous pain upon the people of this nation? Well now, it seems, you have your answer: he appears to be blissfully unaware of the impact of his own policies.

Cameron’s letter seems to confirm the warnings issued by the National Audit Office a year ago: that the government had only a “limited understanding” of the savings local authorities have to make. It blithely assumed that councils could make their savings through restructuring, without discovering whether or not that was true. It failed to assess their budgets as a whole, overlooking, for example, the funding of libraries and youth services, about which Cameron’s letter complains. No wonder he hasn’t the faintest idea what is going on.

It’s worth remembering that Oxfordshire, which is run by Conservatives, is among the wealthiest counties in England, with the nation’s lowest level of unemployment. In common with every aspect of austerity, the cuts have fallen hardest on those least able to weather them: local authorities in the most deprived parts of the country.

As a report commissioned by the Joseph Rowntree Foundation discovered, the cuts in some areas are so extreme that local authority provision is now being reduced to little more than social care, child protection and other core services, while the budgets for libraries, museums, galleries, sports facilities, small parks and playgrounds, children’s centres, youth clubs, after-school and holiday clubs, planning and environmental quality have already been slashed to the point at which these can barely function.

In July, the Financial Times revealed that the funding for children’s centres across England has been cut by 28% in just three years: is Cameron unaware of this? As for public protection, it is all but gone. Visits to workplaces by health and safety inspectors have fallen by 91% in four years, and have been abandoned altogether by 53 local authorities. If you want to endanger your workers, don’t mind us. You begin to see how the government’s agendas mesh.

Now, as there is nothing else left to cut, the attack turns to social care, with untold consequences for children, the elderly and people who have mental health problems.

And we are only halfway through the government’s elective, unwarranted austerity programme. The spending review this month will demand even greater cuts from budgets that have already been comprehensively flensed. How will this be possible without dismantling the basic functions of the state?

The government justifies its austerity programme on the grounds of responsibility: people must take responsibility for their own lives, rather than relying on the state; local authorities must take responsibility for their spending. But, as Cameron’s letter shows, he takes no responsibility for his own policies. Like pain, responsibility is to be applied selectively.

Graham Greene’s American agent, Alden Pyle, has an “unused face” and a “wide campus gaze”. Impervious to other people’s suffering, he can think only in abstractions, and edits reality to make it fit the theories in which he has been schooled. Nothing he encounters can change his views, as it passes through this filter before it reaches his brain. “When he saw a dead body he couldn’t even see the wounds.” Oblivious to the results of his actions, he is “impregnably armoured by his good intentions and his ignorance”. Oh, hello, Prime Minister.


http://www.theguardian.com/commentisfree/2015/nov/11/david-cameron-letter-cuts-Oxfordshire

The leader of this country ladies and gentlemen. What a guy.
 
The anti-democratic way Andrew Fisher and Corbynistas hurl abuse at those they disagree with
By James Bloodworth | IB Times – Tue, Nov 10, 2015
  • Share
  • Andrew Fisher brouhaha.

    Fisher was Labour leader Jeremy Corbyn's recently appointed – and rapidly suspended – head of policy. Less than a month after his appointment to the influential role, Fisher was suspended by Labour's National Executive for apparently supporting a rival party – Class War – at the General Election. "If you live in Croydon South, vote with dignity, vote @campaignbeard," Fisher wrote onTwitter, in violation of Labour's rule that prevents party members from supporting non-party candidates.

    Really of course, Fisher's suspension is one small incident in an ongoing faction fight between the Left and the Right of the Labour Party. When Corbynistas bemoan Fisher's suspension as part of a concerted attempt to wreak vengeance on the Left, they are being completely untruthful. But then, the Left would also purge the party of "Blairite" MPs and activists if it could. All talk of "democracy" by Labour activists of every stripe is pure humbug. What really matters is ensuring their own faction comes out on top.

    But Fisher's flirtation with a rival party was never the most interesting thing about this story anyway. Fisher has apologised "unreservedly" for the Class War tweet, saying he "obviously [does] not and did not support Class War in any way". Notably, however, he hasn't apologised for calling Rachel Reeves a "w****r", for calling Sarah Vine a "piece of s**t", nor for speaking about how he would like to thump James Purnell.

    Forget about his alleged support for a rival party; the most interesting thing about Fisher is the abuse he seems automatically to mete out to anyone whose politics differ from his own.

    As with so many Corbynistas: "Exiling a critic outside the community of the good and punishing them for their bad faith is preferred to offering reasons why they may be mistaken on a matter of principle, policy or fact," as the academic David Hirch has put it.

    On economic policy at least, my own politics are not hugely dissimilar to those of the so-called "hard Left". I believe the greatest threat to well-being in Britain is economic inequality.

    As far as I am concerned, class, race and gender still have a greater influence on a person's life chances than ability or hard work – probably in that order. I do not subscribe to Jeremy Corbyn's naïve cod-pacifism, but I would not hesitate to call myself a democratic socialist.

    What puts me off the whole thing is the socialists – the people like Andrew Fisher and the ubiquitous activists for whom any disagreement is the political equivalent of defecating on a tombstone.

    The warning signs were there during the recent leadership contest, when everyone with second thoughts about Jeremy Corbyn was informed by the Twitter Stasi that they were in fact "Tory-lite" and should "f**k off". The admonition to "go and join the Tories" became so ubiquitous as to turn into its own vaguely subversive joke, with Labour moderates playfully instructing Jeremy Corbyn to "join the Tories" every time he made a concession to pragmatism.

    Far from being a "kinder, gentler politics", as advocated by the Shadow Chancellor John McDonnell, the Corbynistas – and the far-Left more generally – are steeped in the politics of motive – the motive of one's opponents always and everywhere being the most sinister one imaginable.

    To understand this one has to go back to Karl Marx's materialist conception of history. The prospects for communism may have turned to dust when the Berlin Wall came down, but Marx's influence on the Left – both good and bad – persists. To whittle it down to its essence, the Left carries around with it the Marxist idea that every politically conscious person is governed, whether they know it or not, by the desire to increase their own share of commodities.

    For Marxists, politics is merely the expression of this desire – thus motivations which appear to cut across the economic are mere camouflage for underlying financial self-interest. The result is a paradoxical state of affairs in which left-wingers who supposedly believe humanity can be better go around viewing almost every action as rooted in bad faith.

    Of course, we know that other motivations cut across purely economic considerations. To quote Bertrand Russell, who saw through communism earlier than most: "The materialist theory of history, in the last analysis, requires the assumption that every politically conscious person is governed by one single desire – the desire to increase his own share of commodities" (emphasis mine).

    In reality things are a good deal more complex. Many of those who have not swallowed the Corbynite Kool-Aid are also trying to make the world a better place – their proposed solutions just happen to differ from those favoured by the far-Left. Blairites are not scum, as the Corbynistas might believe; they simply don't agree with Jeremy Corbyn on the best way to bring about a fairer Britain.

    Yet for Leftists like Andrew Fisher, disagreement is considered an acceptable reason to, as Hirsh puts it, "push opponents out of the room" by showering them with abuse. This anti-democratic mentality – a mentality which seeks to delegitimize all opposition based on the view that it is motivated by bad faith - is far more worrisome that any alleged "disloyalty" on Fisher's part.

sums up a lot of my thoughts on some of the internal issues labour faces
 
I'm not sure how repeatedly using the term Corbynista in that article is anything less than hypocrisy.
 
It's clear to anyone why Bloodworth's claim that the Blairites simply have 'different ideas of how to bring about a fairer Britain' doesn't really wash. The Blairites had 10 years to make Britain fairer and they didn't - for all New Labour's achievements (which were undoubtedly significant and worthy of praise) the country was less equal in 2007 than it was in 1997 after 18 years of the Tories. From that you can draw one of two conclusions, either Blairite policies failed to deliver a fairer Britain, or that Blairite policies were never designed to deliver a fairer Britain.

Neither reflects well on that wing of the party, which is probably why Kendall got trounced in the leadership election. And given Blair's personal conduct -ingratiating himself with scum like Murdoch, following Bush into Iraq and bringing privatisation into the NHS before swanning off to make millions off the back of the contacts he made as PM, it's unsurprising that many on both the 'hard' and 'soft' lefts tend to draw the latter conclusion. Which isn't to say that pouring vitriol at Blairites in the party is the best course of action, but certainly they aren't above criticism and there are perfectly valid reasons to distrust or dislike those among them who are actively working to undermine their leader despite the democratic will of the party.
 
It's clear to anyone why Bloodworth's claim that the Blairites simply have 'different ideas of how to bring about a fairer Britain' doesn't really wash. The Blairites had 10 years to make Britain fairer and they didn't - for all New Labour's achievements (which were undoubtedly significant and worthy of praise) the country was less equal in 2007 than it was in 1997 after 18 years of the Tories. From that you can draw one of two conclusions, either Blairite policies failed to deliver a fairer Britain, or that Blairite policies were never designed to deliver a fairer Britain.

Neither reflects well on that wing of the party, which is probably why Kendall got trounced in the leadership election. And given Blair's personal conduct -ingratiating himself with scum like Murdoch, following Bush into Iraq and bringing privatisation into the NHS before swanning off to make millions off the back of the contacts he made as PM, it's unsurprising that many on both the 'hard' and 'soft' lefts tend to draw the latter conclusion. Which isn't to say that pouring vitriol at Blairites in the party is the best course of action, but certainly they aren't above criticism and there are perfectly valid reasons to distrust or dislike those among them who are actively working to undermine their leader despite the democratic will of the party.

Excellent post. As much as Corbyn may be doomed to be fail and might be too far-left for Labour, a move back to a more Blairite candidate isn't going to work either. Blair may have won Labour three elections, but his name is fairly toxic now and if the party wants to be successful, it's going to probably need someone who has no ties whatsoever to the Blair era Labour, or who outright distances themselves from it.

Labour's problem, like absolutely everything they do, is that they're full of hesitancy and uncertainty when it comes to recognising the Blair era. On the one hand, they'll argue for the good they did and their successes, while also kind of apologising for what they did too. The recession (more Brown era but still relevant to before), is the perfect example. When the Tories claim that Labour ruined the economy, Labour are unsure how to reply. They kind of hold their hands up for what they did wrong, whilst also claiming they didn't do much wrong at the same time. They need to take a clear stance on matters like that.
 
It's clear to anyone why Bloodworth's claim that the Blairites simply have 'different ideas of how to bring about a fairer Britain' doesn't really wash. The Blairites had 10 years to make Britain fairer and they didn't - for all New Labour's achievements (which were undoubtedly significant and worthy of praise) the country was less equal in 2007 than it was in 1997 after 18 years of the Tories. From that you can draw one of two conclusions, either Blairite policies failed to deliver a fairer Britain, or that Blairite policies were never designed to deliver a fairer Britain.

Neither reflects well on that wing of the party, which is probably why Kendall got trounced in the leadership election. And given Blair's personal conduct -ingratiating himself with scum like Murdoch, following Bush into Iraq and bringing privatisation into the NHS before swanning off to make millions off the back of the contacts he made as PM, it's unsurprising that many on both the 'hard' and 'soft' lefts tend to draw the latter conclusion. Which isn't to say that pouring vitriol at Blairites in the party is the best course of action, but certainly they aren't above criticism and there are perfectly valid reasons to distrust or dislike those among them who are actively working to undermine their leader despite the democratic will of the party.
Child and pensioner poverty greatly decreased under Blair, and that was the main target. It was fairly basic Rawlsian raising of the bottom level, rather than trying to bring the bottom and top levels closer together.
 
...for all New Labour's achievements (which were undoubtedly significant and worthy of praise) the country was less equal in 2007 than it was in 1997 after 18 years of the Tories.

Mandelson himself would be proud of that careful choice of words. In truth inequality was largely stable under Blair/Brown until the crash in 07-08.

gini.gif
 
Ummm. Doesn't that graph show it on a steady upward trend from 2004-5 onwards?
Also, that graph would be an argument for Major, on this one measure alone.
 
Ummm. Doesn't that graph show it on a steady upward trend from 2004-5 onwards?
Also, that graph would be an argument for Major, on this one measure alone.

Inequality isnt something that will ever be wholly flat on a graph, all it shows is oscillation around a small range. This graph adds on a few more years. To all intents and purposes inequality stayed steady under New Labour, with historically modest fluctations.

Zucman-fig-2.png

Major deserves some credit, but that's not the point I was making. Jeff implied that increasing inequality was worse during New Labour than under the Tory era. However when you actually look at it, you really can't say that.
 
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By coincidence John Rentoul wrote a decent piece about the topic yesterday.

The inequality paradox in British politics

First, the Labour Party elected a far-left leader on a tide of anger about a growing gap between rich and poor under a Conservative-led government — when that gap has actually narrowed slightly over the past five years. Then, David Cameron used his re-election as Prime Minister to assert his claim to be a centrist who wants to promote equality — but now he is in trouble over plans to cut tax credits for the working poor, which would make Britain less equal over the next five years. What is going on?

Establishing the facts about the distribution of income and wealth is hard. Partly because the prevailing legend, that the rich get richer and the poor get poorer, is so firmly accepted, that mere facts are feeble against it. And partly because the statistics of inequality are difficult. They are abstract, they require a lot of computation, and they tend to show gradual trends over time. Anecdotes about people so poor they don’t know whether to eat or put the heating on and those so rich they don’t know which football club to buy are much more powerful.

I became interested in such questions at a time when the gap between rich poor really was widening. As a young journalist, I wrote a book called “The Rich Get Richer,” about the growth of inequality in Britain in the 1980s. Dismayed by Margaret Thatcher’s individualist rhetoric, and disapproving of some of the conspicuous consumption of the decade — this was the time when the word yuppie was coined — I wanted to analyze what was happening and work out how to reverse it.

What an education that was. Much to the disappointment of my editor, who wanted a tub-thumping condemnation of Thatcher’s politics of greed and selfishness, I slowly realized what a huge, and hugely complex, subject inequality was. I found that tax cuts for the better-off had little to do with it. The Thatcher government’s main contribution to rising inequality was not the cut in the top rate of income tax from 83 percent to 60 percent in the 1979 budget: It was her policy of high interest rates that put millions of people out of work. (My book was published before the 1988 budget, in which the top rate was cut further to 40 percent, but the principle was the same.)

I had to get to grips with how inequality is measured. I learned about the Gini coefficient, a number that measures disparities in income: 100 percent means one person has all the money, 0 percent means everyone has the same amount of money. While Thatcher was Prime Minister, the Gini coefficient for incomes went up from 25 percent to 35 percent. That was a big change.

Income is not the whole story, however. There was also the question of assessing the distribution of wealth, which is related but different. And I was surprised by what I found: The Gini score here was around 65 percent. The top 10 percent owned about half of all marketable wealth. But there appeared to be no evidence that wealth inequality was increasing. Partly, I realized, this was because a percentage increase in the wealth of the already rich was a lot of money, but the same percentage was a much smaller sum for those in the poorer half of the population, who owned so little. An equal percentage increase would leave the Gini coefficient unchanged.

I also learned enough about trust law, tax havens, inheritance tax and proposals for wealth taxes to realize that direct government action to redistribute wealth was a lot harder than “take it away from the rich and give it to the poor.” Popular and simple though that instinct might be, inheritance tax is not popular and wealth taxes even less so, and the mechanics of both are complicated.

My book ended with a defense of Fabian gradualism that made my editor wince. I argued that education and full employment were the most important means to greater equality. I looked forward to a Labour government that might take such an objective seriously.

Under Thatcher’s successor, John Major, wealth inequality in Britain increased — the Gini rose during the 1990s from about 65 percent to about 70 percent — but the widening of the income gap stopped. One of the surprising things is that, since Tony Blair became Prime Minister in 1997, inequality of income and wealth has been broadly unchanged.

This is surprising both to egalitarians who dislike Blair, who accuse him of favoring the rich and continuing Thatcherite policies, and to egalitarians who like Blair (such as me), who hoped that growing employment, a national minimum wage, improved schools and expanded universities would make Britain more equal.

Which only goes to show that, hard as I thought achieving greater equality was in the Thatcher years, today it is harder still. Despite the Labour governments’ anti-poverty policies, it took the huge growth in tax credits to keep the Gini for incomes from rising.

Tax credits are in-work benefits, copied by Gordon Brown from the earned income tax credit in the U.S., designed to increase incentives for people to get off welfare and into work. They have been successful, but they are hugely expensive and so became a target for savings for the new Conservative government, which plans to balance the government’s books by the end of this parliament.

In the meantime, the financial crash of 2008 transformed the politics of inequality. In the wake of the crash, resentment against the rich grew, especially in the U.S., where the Occupy Wall Street protest in 2011 spawned a short-lived world-wide Occupy movement protesting against the privileges of the richest “1 percent.” The movement dissipated as most world economies continued to recover, but the vogue for Marxist or Marxist-like analyses of inequality lives on.

Thomas Piketty, whose “Capital in the Twenty-First Century” was published in 2013, became the prophet of the new egalitarian wave. He charted the rise of inequality in western economies over two centuries and postulated the mechanism by which its continued rise was inevitable — inevitable, that is, unless enlightened politicians stepped in to bring in wealth taxes and to raise income tax rates to 80 percent.

Piketty’s description was right about the U.S., where income and wealth inequality has increased steadily since about 1980, but he was slapdash about Europe, where the trends have been more mixed. In Britain, income inequality actually narrowed after the banking crisis. Contrary to the common assumption, those on high incomes were hit hardest and the Labour government’s response to the crash protected the jobs and incomes of the lower paid.

This is so counter-intuitive that many people refuse to believe it. The British media give great prominence to reports that suggest the gap between rich and poor is growing, and hardly any to the more comprehensive and authoritative figures that suggest otherwise.

The big story of inequality in Britain, though, is what happens over the next five years. It may be that wealth inequality is already growing. The most recent Office for National Statistics figures are from the Wealth and Assets Survey for 2010-12. Many economists say that quantitative easing has inflated asset prices, and assume that this will increase inequality, but we won’t have the evidence on that until the next wave of the survey.

Cutting tax credits would undoubtedly widen income inequality if were to go ahead as planned in April next year. For a while after May’s election, it seemed that the Conservative Party, flushed with unexpected victory, would revert to a Thatcherite assertion of the right to be unequal. Iain Duncan Smith, the work and pensions secretary, announced that the government would no longer accept the official definition of the poverty line. This has long been 60 percent of median income, a relative definition that meant measuring poverty was almost the same as measuring inequality. It looked like a cynical attempt to redefine reality before George Osborne announced the tax credits cuts in July.

But then, in his speech to Conservative Party conference this month, David Cameron set out his “One Nation” vision for his second term as Prime Minister, unencumbered this time by the Liberal Democrats. He used the word “equality” six times, and he promised an “all-out assault on poverty.” The message of his speech seemed at odds, to say the least, with taking away an average of £1,000 a year from 3 million poorer working families.

People who care about equality need to focus on the right target, which is not how beastly Blair, Brown and Cameron have been in the past, because they haven’t been. Their crying wolf in the past may mean their voices are not taken seriously when Britain does become more unequal.

The big question now is to what extent Osborne mitigates the tax credits cuts. He was already under pressure from MPs in his own party who belatedly realized that the working poor in their constituencies — many of whom are swing voters — were going to be hit. Then on October 26 he was defeated in the House of Lords. The unelected upper house isn’t supposed to vote down financial measures, but the government slipped up on procedure, and now the Chancellor is working out how to respond.

So far he has faced both ways, saying he intended to “achieve the same goal” but advertising the coming U-turn by adding: “at same time lessening the impact on families during the transition.” He has promised to set out his new plan in the Autumn Statement on November 25, when he sets out his spending plans for the next five years. The stage is set for the next act in the paradoxical politics of inequality.
 
Who speaks for Labour? The issue dividing Jeremy Corbyn and his shadow cabinet
Repeated policy divisions have left the party without a clear centre of authority.

GEORGE EATON
When Labour MPs and activists campaigned during the general election, voters repeatedly told them, “We don’t know what you stand for.” The party had assembled more policies than any opposition in recent history but lacked a unifying theme. As the former shadow business secretary Chuka Umunna later told me, “People didn’t know what we stood for because we kept changing our bloody message every bloody month.” The party veered from “responsible capitalism” to “one nation”, to “the cost-of-living crisis”, to “a better plan, a better future”.

In contrast, the Conservatives, as they never ceased to remind voters, had a “long-term economic plan”. Lynton Crosby, the Tories’ campaign manager, credited this discipline with delivering them a parliamentary majority. “Message is everything in politics,” he concluded.

When Jeremy Corbyn won the Labour leadership, his supporters expressed the hope that he would give his party comparable definition. The left-winger triumphed on an unambiguous policy platform: he opposed austerity, military intervention, Trident renewal and tuition fees. But in the two months since then, Labour’s message has been more confused than ever. Shadow ministers have contradicted each other to the point where collective responsibility has appeared non-existent.

It is over the nuclear question that the fracture has been greatest but divisions have not been confined to this totemic issue. Andy Burnham’s warm welcome for Theresa May’s draft Investigatory Powers Bill was undermined by briefings that Corbyn took a more critical view. In a letter to May a few days later, released to the New Statesman, the shadow home secretary demanded far stronger safeguards. When Corbyn called for a review of UK air strikes against Isis in Iraq, a spokesman for Hilary Benn swiftly replied that the shadow foreign secretary continued to support the stance that the party’s MPs “overwhelmingly voted” for. The question of who speaks for Labour has become ever more insistent and the answer ever less clear.

A tipping point was reached when the shadow defence secretary, Maria Eagle, endorsed the criticism by Nicholas Houghton, the head of the armed forces, of Corbyn’s pledge never to use nuclear weapons (“It would worry me if that thought was translated into power,” Houghton said). This finally prompted the Labour leader to “lay down the law”, in the words of one shadow cabinet member, at a meeting of his team on 10 November. He told them that statements should be cleared with his office and spoke of the value of collective responsibility.

Ed Miliband also struggled to impose discipline after winning the leadership in 2010. As his victory had been achieved without the support of party members and MPs, he was treated as illegitimate by some colleagues. For Corbyn, despite his overwhelming mandate, the challenge is of a different order. Because of his rebellious record (voting against the party whip 534 times since 1997) and perceived unelectability (“The public will think Labour has given up on ever being a government again,” said Burnham before the result), his authority is far weaker.

Rather than Corbyn’s word, it is Labour’s 2015 manifesto that is treated as sacrosanct. Unless the party’s positions are formally changed though its conference and National Policy Forum, shadow cabinet members will continue to advocate stances such as Trident renewal (and some would resign rather than cease to do so).

Shortly after the Labour leader formed his first shadow cabinet, Diane Abbott complained to MPs about the lack of Corbyn supporters included. Just three, including Abbott, voted for him (the others being the shadow chancellor, John McDonnell, and the shadow communities secretary, Jon Trickett). Should Corbyn’s attempt to impose discipline fail, the pressure to include more true believers will increase. One supporter told me that a reshuffle after next May’s elections was “essential”.

It is these contests – in Scotland, Wales, London and metropolitan boroughs – that all sides await as a clarifying moment. Some MPs predict that Corbyn will suffer what one describes as an “early collision with the electorate” and face a formal leadership challenge. But were he to be challenged, many believe that he would win by an even larger margin. MPs do not fear deselection by activists but nor do they entirely dismiss the possibility. At a recent Nottingham meeting of Momentum, the grass-roots group established by Corbyn supporters, the former shadow chancellor Chris Leslie was identified as a target.

The case of Andrew Fisher, the aide suspended from Labour for allegedly backing rival candidates in May, has become a proxy war. “All the MPs pushing the campaign against Fisher are people who want to get rid of Jeremy,” Ken Livingstone, a member of the National Executive Committee, which will rule on the dispute, told me. “It’s no good all this lot saying we can never win with Jeremy when they’re doing everything to undermine any chance of winning the next election by being divisive.” The support given to Fisher by Corbyn and McDonnell despite his suspension by the party’s general secretary, Iain McNicol, again prompts the question: who speaks for Labour?

For Corbyn, the task is to transcend the unending stream of process stories and define his leadership on his own terms. MPs speak with surprise of the absence of a set-piece speech distilling his mission. Corbyn can point to political victories in his opening months: the Lords defeat of tax-credit cuts, the cancellation of the government’s Saudi prison contract and the absence of a vote on military action in Syria. But he has lacked an overarching theme. Unless Labour has a message, it will never have discipline.
 
Labour conferences used to be very interesting in the days when they decided policy, it would be great if they went back to that. I doubt I'm alone at the moment in not knowing whether I support Labour or not, as their possible policies are so different from each other.
 
Labour conferences used to be very interesting in the days when they decided policy, it would be great if they went back to that. I doubt I'm alone at the moment in not knowing whether I support Labour or not, as their possible policies are so different from each other.

Well at some point (presumably before the May elections) Labour are going to have to announce some policies - given the fact that there is no conference before then and how fractured the party is at the moment I honestly have no idea how they are going to decide what those policies are and how what is clearly now two distinct wings are going to be able to get behind anything the other wing supports... trident being the most obvious sticking point as thats going to come up a lot in the Scottish elections given the SNP stance.
But at some point there will have to be economic and taxation plans, a clearer stance on Europe etc... unless they are just not going to have any actual policies by May and focus exclusively on internal bickering?
 
That's how I see it sun, except to add that it's sad to see the tories getting such a clear run in polling terms when they are in such a shambles themselves.
I'm still in favour or two separate parties I'm afraid then each wing will give people an honest choice.
 
That's how I see it sun, except to add that it's sad to see the tories getting such a clear run in polling terms when they are in such a shambles themselves.
I'm still in favour or two separate parties I'm afraid then each wing will give people an honest choice.
Indeed - one imagines that during the Eu referendum the party most likely to have the most difficulty remaining cohesive would be the conservatives... but its hard to imagine Labour being able to hold a unified front throughout and resist sniping internally...
I personally expect post referendum (In or out) that Cameron will quickly be seen as a lame duck and we will get the boris vs gideon election that has looked inevitable since before the last election... that may provide further fractures within the party.
Its such a shame that Labour almost certainly wont be in any position to take advantage.
 
Labour really have pissed on their own chips twice in a row now. Miliband, who was a coward, and Corbyn who I like but is completely unelectable because only lefties like myself can stomach him. He's hardly going to gather support from those in the centre, never mind woo the right.
 
Labour really have pissed on their own chips twice in a row now. Miliband, who was a coward, and Corbyn who I like but is completely unelectable because only lefties like myself can stomach him. He's hardly going to gather support from those in the centre, never mind woo the right.
I think he would rather line us up against a wall than woo us...
As somebody who voted for kendal in the Labour election I imagine I would be one of the first up against the wall!
 
I think he would rather line us up against a wall than woo us...
As somebody who voted for kendal in the Labour election I imagine I would be one of the first up against the wall!

You are literally Hitler. Hehe
 
Or Kendal.