The plea that conservatives have become an oppressed minority, especially on campuses, is reshaping politics across the west, with some frightening consequences in the form of the “alt-right” and resurgent nationalism. It draws energy from the sense that the left is uniquely intolerant of dissent, and is allowing its cultural and moral worldview to interfere with the pursuit of knowledge. The humanities are viewed as the worst culprits, having turned “truth” into a political issue that is ultimately a matter of perspective. For many free speech advocates, this sinister moral agenda is seeking to colonise other disciplines, including even the natural sciences.
But these emotive claims are often concealing something more prosaic though no less troubling for conservatives: demography is against them. In Britain, the way voting behaviour now
correlates with age is quite startling: in the 2017 general election, Labour beat Conservatives by 66% to 19% among 18-19 year-olds, while these numbers were roughly reversed among the over-70s. The age at which someone becomes more likely to vote Conservative than Labour is 47 and rising. If this is a “cohort effect”, as appears likely, this means that younger people will retain these political views as they grow older, rather than shift to the right.
Given that graduates also tend to lean more to the left than non-graduates, and the number of graduates is increasing, it is scarcely any surprise that universities now provoke anxiety among conservative commentators and politicians. As Sachs has shown in the US context, the fact that no-platforming protests are more often led from the left is due to the far larger number of leftwing students, and not a reflection on leftwing values. Of course, this doesn’t make it acceptable for conservative students to feel unwelcome or uncomfortable, any more than it is acceptable for other minorities to feel that way. But nor does it imply that a typical leftwing individual is any more censorious than a typical rightwing one.