adexkola
Doesn't understand sportswashing.
- Joined
- Mar 17, 2008
- Messages
- 48,850
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- orderly disembarking on planes
Damn. Even with the extreme correlation I wasn't convinced until the medical evidence.
Damn. Even with the extreme correlation I wasn't convinced until the medical evidence.
Yeah, certainly not a $200k/year earner here. That would comfortably put you in the top 0.1% of society around these parts.Marriage doesn't always incur tax benefits. Two high income, say $200k/year each earners, would almost certainly receive a marriage penalty. If your colleagues are getting a marriage bonus it means they're likely either in low income brackets (relatively speaking) or one spouse makes significantly less than the other. Not really something to be envious of unless your colleagues are all high earners with smokeshow wives at home.
Isn't it just post hoc ergo propter hoc.It's a great article. Completely shocked me too. Thanks for posting @Eboue.
(Probably chatting shit here)All there is, at root, is a personal disgust with male-on-male sodomy and female cunnilingus (not sure what the problem is with the latter), but personal disgust can't be a compelling basis for telling a lesbian that she can marry a man, but that she can't marry a woman.
I don't think that's her logic at all. I think she's merely pointing out how flawed the institution has historically been and any attempt to use it as a precedent is farcical.It's an interested argument by Ginsburg you've brought to our attention, @senorgregster, but it's not particularly compelling.
By her logic, a prohibition on same sex marriage would be perfectly constitutional today if wives still were expected to stay at home, barefoot and in the kitchen, while men go off to work every day. That's hardly compelling. What her argument helps explain is why acceptance of same sex marriage is what it is today, not why the Constitution can or cannot be relied upon to invalidate a prohibition on same sex marriage.
One can make this debate much more complicated than it needs to be, but all one has to do is think through the equal protection clause of the Fourteenth Amendment and consider whether there is a compelling state interest that is served in denying to gays the same right to the adult of your choice as is enjoyed by heteros. There is no "degenerative effect" to be averted and no discernible benefit to be gained by a slavish adherence to "customs and tradition" by allowing states to deny to gays what they afford to heteros.
(Probably chatting shit here)
I've noticed among my peers that it's mainly hetero males finding gay sex a bit icky and hetero females finding lesbian sex icky. To quote a friends grandmother "I don't mind them men gays, but the women gays are disgusting, ew."
I don't think that's her logic at all. I think she's merely pointing out how flawed the institution has historically been and any attempt to use it as a precedent is farcical.
You're misinterpreting her. What she's trying to say is that the "marriage has meant a certain thing for millennia, we cannot go about changing the definitions now" argument does not fly. Because a lot of aspects about marriage have changed fairly recently (that is, in the past hundred years or so).By her logic, a prohibition on same sex marriage would be perfectly constitutional today if wives still were expected to stay at home, barefoot and in the kitchen, while men go off to work every day. That's hardly compelling. What her argument helps explain is why acceptance of same sex marriage is what it is today, not why the Constitution can or cannot be relied upon to invalidate a prohibition on same sex marriage.
It is a compelling, if fairly easy, argument. I'm surprised someone as thorough as Scalia would use this excuse. Just goes to show the conservative wing of the court is clutching at straws.That's how I read it. I'm sure she had planned that argument for quite a while.
The point is that Ginsburg's argument does not stand on its own. It should be read as a rebuttal to a prior argument (by Kennedy?), and nothing more.The "always has been, thus always must be" is an obtuse argument for a lot of obvious reasons. I'm reading Ginsburg's argument as portrayed here and don't see anything that can't easily be swatted away.
The organic evolution of marriage is rubber-stamped by judicial edicts (and legislative process, and executive action), however.Marriage as an institution absolutely does evolve and no one denies that, but it evolves organically as a function of societal norms, expectations and exigent circumstances, not judicial edicts.
I dunno about that. This is Section one of the fourteenth amendment:The issue before the court isn't what's "right", but what is consistent with the US Constitution, properly understood. The court has no jurisdiction over what is "right", but over what is constitutional. If the US Constitutional were amended to ban gay marriage, the court would have no jurisdiction to invalidate laws than ban gay marriage. In this case, the court may, and I would argue must, rely on the plain meaning of the equal protection clause of the 14th Amendment.
The parts you're trying to appeal to have been bolded.All persons born or naturalized in the United States, and subject to the jurisdiction thereof, are citizens of the United States and of the State wherein they reside. No State shall make or enforce any law which shall abridge the privileges or immunities of citizens of the United States; nor shall any State deprive any person of life, liberty, or property, without due process of law; nor deny to any person within its jurisdiction the equal protection of the laws.
The point is that Ginsburg's argument does not stand on its own. It should be read as a rebuttal to a prior argument (by Kennedy?), and nothing more.
Not impressed.
The organic evolution of marriage is rubber-stamped by judicial edicts (and legislative process, and executive action), however.
Laws are created, ordinarily, by legislative bodies with executive concurrence. (Dunno about how laws are typically made outside the US.) If a legislative body wished to lower the minimum age one may get married, or to allow a brother to marry his sister, there's not a whole lot a court could do to invalidate that law or to rubber-stamp it.
I dunno about that.
Sure it is. As abominable as it would be, if the US Constitution were amended to require, let's say, that all blacks must serve as slaves for whites, that would be that, constitutionally. We could get into a lengthy debate about natural law being a higher authority than the US Constitution, but in practical reality the US Constitution is the highest law of the land in the US. And that's a good thing. We wouldn't the court to ignore the plain language of the US Constitution and rule on legal controversies on the basis of its own feelings.
This is Section one of the fourteenth amendment:
The parts you're trying to appeal to have been bolded.
True.
It is arguable if by banning gay marriage, a state is taking away anybody's privileges. This is not a straightforward argument, which is why eminent jurists on the Supreme Court are wrapping their heads around it.
I'm not sure I follow you. I acknowledge that eminent jurists are trying to wrap their heads around the issue, but that doesn't prove that they're not dealing with a straightforward argument. It's a straightforward argument that has, however, political consequences that at least some on the court are uncomfortable with. As we've already seen on this thread, the arguments in search of a compelling state interest to support prohibitions on same sex marriage must rely either on 1) the weight of customs and tradition 2) the putative "degenerative effect" of formalizing same sex marrige or, one we haven't discussed yet here 3) the primacy of the democratic process (ie, those states that have yet to enact a law allowing same sex couples to marry). But what cannot be rationally argued is that heterosexual couples are harmed by the knowledge that homosexual couples are married.
I agree with all this. I wasn't meaning to challenge this at all. When I said "I dunno about that", I was writing about using the fourteenth amendment in this case, not using the Constitution as the basis of jurisprudence. In all contests between the Constitution and "natural law" (which is an extremely subjective thing), the Constitution wins. No contest.Sure it is. As abominable as it would be, if the US Constitution were amended to require, let's say, that all blacks must serve as slaves for whites, that would be that, constitutionally. We could get into a lengthy debate about natural law being a higher authority than the US Constitution, but in practical reality the US Constitution is the highest law of the land in the US. And that's a good thing. We wouldn't the court to ignore the plain language of the US Constitution and rule on legal controversies on the basis of its own feelings.
The argument about same-sex marriage being okay is completely coherent. The part that is not straightforward is that banning same-sex marriage contravenes the fourteenth. The constitution, as far as I'm aware, does not define marriage at all. Ergo, states are perfectly entitled to define it as they see fit. If a state defines a marriage as one between a man and a woman, then there is no case of infringing on the privileges of any citizen. Adam can boink Steve all he wants, but to "marry", he has to choose Eve. What privileges of Adam are being infringed upon here? The one point I'm willing to concede is that states will be forced to recognise same-sex marriages performed in other jurisdictions, and that argument should proceed identically as the anti-DOMA Windsor vs. United States case, with the fourteenth being appealed to instead of the fifth.I'm not sure I follow you. I acknowledge that eminent jurists are trying to wrap their heads around the issue, but that doesn't prove that they're not dealing with a straightforward argument.
These arguments in support of the ban are hogwash and I'm sure any sane lawyer will not use them. They'll simply appeal to states rights and warn the Supreme Court not to overstep the boundaries of judicial review. I'm inclined to agree with them, in that states should be allowed to live with their social mores until their legislatures see fit to move with the rest of the civilised world.As we've already seen on this thread, the arguments in search of a compelling state interest to support prohibitions on same sex marriage must rely either on 1) the weight of customs and tradition 2) the putative "degenerative effect" of formalizing same sex marrige or, one we haven't discussed yet here 3) the primacy of the democratic process (ie, those states that have yet to enact a law allowing same sex couples to marry). But what cannot be rationally argued is that heterosexual couples are harmed by the knowledge that homosexual couples are married.
I would argue that even this goes against the doctrine of judicial review but I won't press this, especially since I am pro same-sex marriageThe court could opt for Door #3, that the doctrine of federalism supersedes the equal protection clause with respect to "marriage", provided that a functionally identical domestic partnership option is made available by those states. States could confer recognition of "marriage" or "domestic partnerships", provided that in a very real legal sense they are identical. With that, 5 justices who are uncomfortable with requiring states which are uncomfortable with the words "same sex" and "marriage" in the same sentence would have a nice out that could throw a bone to both sides of the debate. It would be a beautiful way to thread the needle. Or Kennedy could go all in.
These arguments in support of the ban are hogwash and I'm sure any sane lawyer will not use them. They'll simply appeal to states rights and warn the Supreme Court not to overstep the boundaries of judicial review. I'm inclined to agree with them, in that states should be allowed to live with their social mores until their legislatures see fit to move with the rest of the civilised world.
True, but Brown vs. Board, in hindsight, is a pretty open and shut case. Lack of public education is an active detriment to life and liberty, lack of the ability to marry is not. As I said, the states could be forced to recognise same-sex marriages in other jurisdictions, just as Windsor vs. United States forced the federal government to, but they cannot be forced to overturn their own bans by simply appealing to the fourteenth.Going back in history, the South was dragged out of the Jim Crow era, kicking and screaming States Rights. The Plessy vs Ferguson, and Brown vs Board of Education cases were decided upon with the same amendments in place, just different interpretations.
And I agree with this. It is not the business of the judiciary to be the barometer of public opinion, but the legislature.There is enormous pressure on the Court to not bend to popular opinion, and utilize a strict constitutional interpretation
God, I certainly hope so. Throwing this back to the states would set this process back a few years. It has gathered a nice head of steam, and this should be allowed to continue to its inevitable conclusion.however I'm sure the plantiffs will be "creative" enough to form strong arguments based on anti-discriminatory legislation and the 14th.
Yeah, the number of sparsely populated red states effectively kills this idea in the bud.I don't think there is enough political capital to push through an amendment through Congress and 2/3rds of states legislatures, that would be lovely.
In Freakonomics the drop in crime rate was linked with the abortion laws.
Disagree there. The income tax code is meant to be based not only on one's income but also on your ability to pay - hence why we have realization events and nonrecognition. 43% of Americans don't even pay income tax. Many credits and deductions are implemented to help those at or below the poverty line. That poverty line doesn't go up proportionally to the amount of dependents in a home - economies of scale and all. In order to account for those things you have to accept the consequences of marriage bonuses and penalties that come with the adjustments of deductions and the phaseout of credits and such. I think it's quite appropriate to account for those things in taxation. If you're going to decide that very low income earners should get a subsidy (different political conversation - but our government has decided that with the EITC) then that subsidy shouldn't apply equally to a single individual who earns $30k and a married couple who brings in $30k/year.Yeah, certainly not a $200k/year earner here. That would comfortably put you in the top 0.1% of society around these parts.
The point stands nonetheless. Marriage should have nothing to do with taxes. No bonuses, no penalties.
(Probably chatting shit here)
I've noticed among my peers that it's mainly hetero males finding gay sex a bit icky and hetero females finding lesbian sex icky. To quote a friends grandmother "I don't mind them men gays, but the women gays are disgusting, ew."
Here's an interesting post on lead paint.
Www.motherjones.com/kevin-drum/2015/02/red-barns-and-white-barns-why-rural-crime-skyrocketed-late-1800s
We want more updates on the hot Oriental neighbour tbh.I'm pretty sure we have a gay Mick in our community here. Not sure if he's taken though.
We want more updates on the hot Oriental neighbour tbh.